The Rape Gang Inquiry examined the systematic targeting of vulnerable girls,
overwhelmingly White British, by predominantly Muslim Pakistani gangs across
towns and cities throughout the United Kingdom. The evidence put to the
Inquiry confirms that this scandal constitutes one of the most horrendous
failures in the history of the country. Organised networks of perpetrators built
coordinated operations that transported victims between locations, supplied
them with drugs and alcohol, recorded abuse for distribution and blackmail,
and passed girls between multiple adult men. These crimes have been committed
for decades, since the 1950s by Pakistanis in particular, and have affected every
region of our nation.
The scale of the crimes committed is staggering. It has been previously
established that, at the very least, 250,000 young white girls have been subjected
to repeated rape, gang rape, trafficking, torture, pregnancy, forced Islamic
conversion, and lifelong trauma.
1 The true number is probably higher. The
perpetrators bear primary responsibility, yet the institutional failures that
enabled them for decades must also be confronted. In court records and official
inquiries, around 87% of those convicted in these group-based child sexual
exploitation (‘CSE’) cases bore distinctively Muslim names.
2 The vast majority of
men involved in these gangs were not convicted. Dr. Taj Hargey, an imam with
the Oxford Islamic Congregation, believes the true proportion of gang members
who are Muslims to be around 95%.
3 This figure far exceeds the Muslim share of
the overall United Kingdom population. The overwhelming majority of the rape
gang networks consisted entirely of men from Muslim backgrounds –
predominantly of Pakistani heritage, although smaller groups from Somali,
Iranian, Syrian, Turkish, and other Muslim origins were also involved.
The Inquiry heard harrowing testimony from survivors and their families. The
method used to groom children typically followed the same process. Girls as young as 11 were initially befriended by a young Muslim man who then treated
the young child like an adult and would then start providing them with alcohol,
drugs, and cigarettes. After a few months the girls would then be collected from
school gates, care homes, and streets in taxis. They were taken to houses, flats,
restaurants, and hotels where they were raped repeatedly by groups of men,
tortured, filmed for blackmail, and told they were “white trash” or “kuffar” who
merited punishment. Many became pregnant while still children. Some
miscarried under trauma, others endured coerced abortions, and some gave
birth to children who were later removed by the state. We found that the same
unspeakable crimes occurred in at least 149 local authority districts – close to
40% of all such districts across the United Kingdom (see page 14 for our full
map). Survivors described daily rapes, “red rooms” of extreme torture,
trafficking between cities, and institutional disbelief that compounded their
suffering. Some girls were even trafficked to the Middle East where they would
endure Islamic marriage.
The demographic and cultural drivers are clear. Perpetrators from Pakistani
Muslim and other Muslim backgrounds operated under an honour- and
shame-based clan code that treated non-Muslim girls, especially white working
class girls, as property available for sexual use. This pattern was reinforced by
eight theological and legal aspects of Islam. These include the doctrine of
Muslim superiority drawn from Quranic verses that position Muslims at the top
with a duty to correct non-believers. The gang members’ justification for their
crimes can be found in the Islamic principles of loyalty and disavowal known as
al-walā' wa-l-barā'. It demands enmity towards non-Muslims, the superiority of
men over women, forced marriage combined with the absence of any fixed
minimum age of consent, the perception of female sexuality as inherently
dangerous, a system of sex slavery that authorises sexual relations with
non-Muslim captives, and a religiously sanctioned social hierarchy that
subjugates conquered non-Muslims. These elements, filtered through clannish
immigrant sub-cultures, provided religious justification that enabled the
systematic rape and even slaughter of White British girls.
Were Britain functioning effectively, these girls would have received
considerable state protection. However, every one of our institutions failed them
8catastrophically. Police forces ignored repeated reports, criminalised victims
instead of perpetrators, destroyed evidence, and allowed known rapists to walk
free on bail. Social care services undermined protective parents, placed children
in trafficking hubs inside children’s homes, closed cases despite clear indicators
of exploitation, and retaliated against whistleblowers. The NHS recorded genital
injuries, multiple sexually transmitted infections in children as young as 13,
pregnancies caused by rape, and suicide attempts, yet discharged victims back to
their abusers without safeguarding referrals or trauma care. Schools observed
older men collecting girls at the gates, heard disclosures of rape on school
premises, and responded by excluding victims rather than protecting them. Taxi
licensing authorities renewed permits for drivers who formed the logistical
backbone of the networks and collapsed in the face of organised protests when
basic safety measures were proposed.
Political failure lies at the heart of the scandal. Successive governments lacked
the will to confront the ethnic and religious patterns. The Labour Party bears
particular responsibility. It initially refused a public inquiry and only relented
under pressure by ordering a process viewed with widespread scepticism.
Labour-dominated councils and MPs were briefed on the gangs long ago yet
later denied knowledge. The party prioritised electoral reliance on Muslim
voting blocs and then blocked or watered down inquiries, suppressed ethnicity
data, and framed legitimate concerns as ‘far-right’ agitation. When finally forced
to act, the Labour government produced a national inquiry whose tightly drawn
terms of reference deliberately excluded systematic examination of the
demographic, cultural, and religious drivers. The Conservative Party, while in
government, continued with Labour’s approach and failed to impose mandatory
ethnicity recording or launch a full statutory inquiry despite clear evidence from
Rotherham and elsewhere. Scottish political parties have refused a dedicated
inquiry and failed to record offender ethnicity. Political correctness, fear of
accusations of racism, and fear of losing electoral support from certain
demographics have taken precedence over the protection of British children.

nasilno bih usadjivao deci mržnju prema Francuzima

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Pa dobro jebemumiša biribiša kakve veze taj čovek ima sa Francuzima sem što živi tamo, taj je Francuz ko što si ti merino ovca bukvalno.

A ovo ako su te iznabadali jer su mislili da si kakapo je skroz u redu, šta bi ti, da se šljamčiš uz drugi narod i uživaš samo benefite, ne može, moraš i da patiš malo ponekad šnjima.